Na včerajšnji seji Sveta za nacionalno varnost so prikladno združili obravnavo epidemioloških razmer in nezakonitih migracij, kar nesramežljivo izpričuje perspektivo, po kateri narodu, ki je telo, grozi okužba od zunaj. “Imunopolitika v stanju panike,” bi dejala Plant in Land v Smetnjakovem prevodu Kiberpozitivno.
George Mosse v Nacionalizmu in seksualnosti zapiše (jebatga, slovenski prevod je v knjižnici): “Racism branded the outsider, making him inevitably a member of the inferior race, wherever this was possible, readily recognized as a carrier of infection threatening the health of society and the nation. Above all racism was a scavenger ideology, harnessing to its banner the fears and hopes of bourgeois Europe.”
Da je omenjeno sejo napovedal ravno Aleš Hojs, lik, ki nevede, spontano citira Göringove in Goebbelsove prilike o maslu in topovih, nas je sprva privedlo do takšnega fb zapisa:
Nazis are returning. Nature is healing. “They” are the virus.
Po nekaj minutah smo – excuse the reality show dramatic tone – post izbrisali. Naci analogije so vselej lazy in cheesy, naj se v danem trenutku zdijo še tako na mestu.
Obviously, the situation is still fucked up. In morda gre bolj za asimptoto – excuse the retarded math level – kot vzporednice. Med branjem nekega pasusa Foucaultovega Rojstva biopolitike smo se spomnili marčevske kampanje “Hvala, ker ste” iz časa prvega vala epidemije, ki je v skladu z generičnostjo zahvale in slogana razkazovala generične (shutter stock patriotism) podobe zdravstvenega osebja, gasilcev, policistov itd., vseh tistih, ki so v času prvega vala skrbeli za prislovično zdravje in varnost državljanov. Plosk plosk so si, ker so ostali doma, prislužili tudi slednji. Kot je bilo opaženo, je kampanja delovala nenavadno, saj ni šlo za zahvalo vlade, temveč stranke SDS. Podoben občutek, kot je znano, vas daje tudi, če spremljate vladne kanale na družabnih omrežjih.
Tu pride na vrsto omenjeni pasus iz Rojstva biopolitike (jebatga, slovenski prevod je v knjižnici): “The totalitarian state is not the eighteenth century administrative state, the nineteenth century Polizeistaat pushed to the limit, it is not the administrative state, the bureaucratized nineteenth century state pushed to its limits. The totalitarian state is something else. We should not look for its principle in the ‘statifying’ or ‘statified’ governmentality born in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; we should look for it in a non-state governmentality, precisely in what could be called a governmentality of the party. The party, this quite extraordinary, very curious, and very new organization, this very new governmentality of the party which appeared in Europe at the end of the nineteenth century is probably /…/ at the historical origin of something like totalitarian regimes, of something like Nazism, fascism, or Stalinism.”
And lest we forget: this party is quite obsessed with origins.
